Reviving Esan Cloth Weaving: Cultural Identity and Technological Innovation in Nigeria’s Textile Heritage

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The Esan Cloth Weaving Industry: A Study in Discontinuity and Resurgence 

The Esan cloth weaving industry, a vital part of the economic and cultural fabric of Esanland in Nigeria, presents a compelling case study in discontinuity and resurgence within the context of African industrial history.  

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Historically a robust cottage industry, it faced near collapse during the colonial era, yet it is now experiencing a gradual comeback fueled by cultural identity, diaspora demand, and the strategic adoption of digital technology. 

Mapping Esanland and Its Legacy 

Esanland, home to the Esan people who speak a language belonging to the Kwa sub-division of the Niger-Congo linguistic group, is located northeast of Benin City in what is now Edo State, Nigeria. 

The Esan people’s origin is often tied to the “Esan fua” tradition (meaning “they have fled from Benin”), suggesting a historical imposition of a ruling aristocracy onto an already inhabited area.  

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This deep history, marked by migration and settlement, forms the legacy of a people who developed complex, self-sufficient systems long before the arrival of Europeans. Their indigenous industrial activities, particularly agriculture and cloth weaving, underpinned their pre-colonial economy and social structure. 

The Pre-Colonial Cloth Weaving Economy 

In pre-colonial Esanland, cloth weaving was a flourishing, market-oriented industry. The raw material was locally cultivated indigenous Esan cotton (G. Vitifolium) called “Olulu.” 

Pre-Colonial Production and Products 

The industry was largely driven by Esan women, who cultivated and harvested the cotton, processed the wool, and wove the finished cloth.  

While men played crucial roles in providing iron and wooden tools (like the Osomuro and Ukpelomon rods and the Okpekpe spindle) through blacksmithing and wood carving, the weaving itself was a family-based craft, with skills guarded and passed from mother to daughter. Key Esan cloth varieties included: 

  • Ukpon-ododo: A thick, khaki-like, multi-coloured cloth. 
  • Ukpon-nogian: A scarlet-coloured cloth used for ceremonies. 
  • Ukpon-agbo: The ordinary, daily-wear wrapper for men and women. 
  • Ukpon-asiso: Cloth used for making farm dresses and bags. 
  • Ukpon-Igbu (or Igbu-Ododo): A multi-coloured male coverlet made by sewing three pieces of Ukpon-ododo together. 

The production process was systematic and labor-intensive, relying on manual energy and simple vertical loom technology called “Erindo.” The six discernible stages were: 

  1. Isolu (Ginning) 
  1. Igbolu (Carding) 
  1. Isanolu (Spinning) 
  1. Ivolu (Dyeing) 
  1. Iyenolulu (Cooking) 
  1. Ihaido (Weaving) 

Commercial and Social Significance 

Esan cloth was not merely a covering; it was a profound cultural insignia and a medium of exchange. 

Symbolism:  

The cloth’s multi-coloured design conveyed deep meaning: Red for the brotherhood and blood ties among Esan people, Green for the land’s fertility and agricultural viability, and Black for the presence of indigenous iron technology (blacksmithing) in pre-colonial Esan. 

Economic Value:  

Esan cloth was a central feature in both domestic and long-distance trade, often exchanged for salt, iron, and beads with contiguous neighbours like the Benin Kingdom. 

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Historically, some Esan cloths may have been among the items traded to Europeans (AClasses Analysis suggests the Ukpon-Igbu might have been the Mukponoqua cloth bought by the Portuguese from Benin traders). 

Pre-Colonial Demand Statistics (Uromi, c. 1460) 

Based on archaeological estimates of the Esan earthworks (moat) in Uromi around 1460, we can estimate the local demand for Esan cloth. 

Sex Adult Population (Estimate) Monthly Average Clothing Need (Pieces) Total Monthly Pieces Required 
Male 4,967 4 Clothes 19,868 
Female 4,854 4 Clothes 19,416 
Total 9,821  39,284 

This data shows a significant, consistent demand of over 39,000 pieces of cloth per month for the adult population of Uromi alone, underscoring the high volume of production needed to maintain the equilibrium supply level.  

Women weavers could produce about 4 pieces per month (32 pieces per year) at maximum capacity. 

Colonialism and Discontinuity 

The imposition of British colonial rule following the conquest of the Benin Kingdom in 1897 initiated a period of discontinuity that severely undermined the indigenous Esan cloth weaving industry.  

This decline was orchestrated through both direct and subtle economic policies designed to re-engineer the colonial economy for the benefit of the British metropolitan industries. 

Economic and Social Disruption 

It is important to clarify that the Esan people did not cease producing their own clothing; rather, their textile traditions were systematically suppressed to make way for European interests. 

Shift in Trade Dynamics:  

Colonial policy focused on exporting raw cotton from the colonies while importing manufactured cotton cloth (cheap European clothes) into the African market, replacing indigenous textiles (Rodney, 1972). This reversal was tied to Europe’s technological advantage. 

Taxation and Diversification:  

The introduction of direct taxation on both men and women (e.g., one shilling for women and two shillings for men initially) forced many Esan women, the industry’s backbone, to seek alternative, more lucrative economic activities to meet their tax obligations.  

They diversified into cash crop farming, palm oil processing, rice trading, and emergent service industries like teaching and nursing (Unumen, 2016). 

Currency Replacement:  

The introduction of British coins and paper money displaced indigenous currencies, including the Ukpon-Igbu cloth, thereby stripping it of its status as a critical barter and trade item (Aghalino, 2002). 

Cultural Shift:  

Western education and Christianity instilled a preference for foreign dressing, leading to the displacement of the Esan cloth weaving apprenticeship system. Young girls increasingly favored formal Western schooling, breaking the chain of skill transfer from mother to daughter. 

Brief Rebounds and Technological Lag 

A temporary rebound occurred during World War I and II, as economic blockades and global depression made foreign cloth expensive and scarce, boosting demand for indigenous Esan cloth. However, the overall decline was not halted. 

  • The industry suffered from a critical lack of innovation and creativity, failing to adapt the traditional Ukpon-ododo to meet modern fashion trends or collaborate with the emerging tailoring industry. 
  • Furthermore, the traditional vertical loom (Erindo) used by Esan women was technologically inferior to the faster treadle loom (Kriger, 1990), contributing to the industry’s inability to compete on scale. 

The Resurgence in Post-Colonial Esanland 

Despite the challenges of colonialism, the Esan cloth weaving industry is experiencing a slow yet definitive resurgence in post-colonial Nigeria, driven by a renewed focus on heritage and cultural identity. 

Cultural Renaissance and Market Revival 

The 1970s saw an Esan cultural renaissance that reinforced social cohesion and the desire to preserve cultural identity. This movement elevated the Esan woven cloth from a simple commodity to a primary cultural identifier and a symbol of loyalty and solidarity (Owioaba, brotherliness). 

  • Ceremonial Demand: The Ukpon-Igbu is now a ceremonial necessity for traditional marriages (Irhuen) and coming-of-age rites, ensuring a continuous, non-negotiable demand. 
  • The Rise of Male Weavers: A significant development in the post-colonial era is the entry of Esan men into the weaving industry. This shift was partly catalyzed by colonial-era rehabilitation programs for demobilized World War II ex-servicemen (Onobhayedo and Ikpomwonsa, 2016) but is now sustained by a growing market. 
  • New Players and Suppliers: Individuals like Mr. Dan Ojie in Uromi, who integrated Esan cloth sales and rentals into his business, have become prominent, reliable dealers, sourcing from both Esan and non-Esan weavers (including migrant Igbira weavers who had filled the vacuum left by Esan women). The craft is also being practiced in institutions like the Catholic Lumen Christi Seminary in Atani Uromi. 

Digital Marketing: Expanding the Global Market 

The most significant factor in securing the industry’s future is the strategic adoption of digital marketing and e-commerce platforms. This leverages the diaspora phenomenon, the migration of Esan people abroad, who have maintained their heritage and cultural loyalty. 

  • Global Reach: Digital platforms like Jiji and Esanmarket.ng have globalized the distribution chain. They allow Esan people in the diaspora to purchase Ukpon-Igbu for traditional ceremonies without needing to travel home, embodying the Esan indigenous epistemology of “Isimeme” (living abroad is good for me) in the digital age. 
  • Price Visibility: The digital market provides clear economic incentives. As of August 9, 2024, the Esan Ukpon-Igbu was priced at approximately $180.00 (USD) on Esanmarket.ng and ₦100,000 on Jiji, demonstrating a secure and profitable price point that supports the viability of the indigenous producers. 

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This expansion means the market for Esan cloth is no longer restricted to the 35 communities of Esanland but is now potentially the entire world, offering “high-hanging fruits” in the diaspora to manufacturers who can scale production. 

Conclusion and Path Forward 

The Esan cloth weaving industry’s journey from a pre-colonial economic pillar to a colonial-era casualty and its subsequent post-colonial resurgence is a testament to the resilience of indigenous African Principles and cultural identity. 

The current resurgence, primarily driven by cultural pride, male entry into the craft, and digital distribution, offers a unique opportunity. Our Analysis suggests that to move beyond simply ceremonial necessity and achieve sustained growth, the industry must address key challenges: 

  • Technological Modernization: The continued reliance on crude, labor-intensive methods and antiquated tools must be reversed. Adoption of modern innovative technologies like the spinning jenny, power loom, and cotton gin is necessary to increase quality and quantity, save time and energy, and establish a modern, state-of-the-art textile mill industry. 
  • Skill Transfer and Education: The apathy of youth towards the craft must be countered by reviving the apprenticeship system and introducing Esan textile milling into primary and secondary school curricula as a component of technical education. 
  • Innovation and Adaptability: Esan cloth producers must integrate with the modern tailoring industry by adapting Ukpon-ododo as a material for new fashion trends, making the cloth relevant for daily, modern wear in addition to traditional ceremonies. 

Ultimately, the Nigerian government, through a Public Private Partnership (PPP) framework, should collaborate with the Esan textile industry to develop a national policy on indigenous textile production.  

This policy would support the establishment of textile industrial hubs and ensure government engagement of existing weavers as part-time teachers, thereby securing the future of this vital cultural heritage and economic asset for the 21st century. 

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